Friday, 8 February 2019
You can read the introduction of Britain Beyond Brexit here.
1. Introduction: Brexit and the Future of the British Model of Democratic Capitalism
GAVIN KELLY and NICK PEARCE
2. The British Model and the Brexit Shock: Plus ça Change?
3. Brexit and the Future of Trade
4. The City and Financial Services: Historical Perspectives on the Brexit Debate
5. Macroeconomic Policy Beyond Brexit
6. The Prospects for the UK Labour Market in the Post-Brexit Era
PAUL GREGG and STEPHEN CLARKE
7. Dual Disruptions: Brexit and Technology
8. Brexit and the Future of the UK’s Unbalanced Economic Geography
ANDREW CARTER and PAUL SWINNEY
9. Can a Post-Brexit UK Grow a Knowledge-Based Economy that Works for Everyone?
10. Tax and Spending in the 2020s
11. Brexit and the Politics of Housing in Britain
BEN ANSELL and DAVID ADLER
12. Energy Supply and Decarbonisation Beyond Brexit: Politics and Policy
MATTHEW LOCKWOOD and ANTONY FROGGATT
13. My Generation, Baby: The Politics of Age in Brexit Britain
TORSTEN BELL and LAURA GARDINER
14. British Culture Wars? Brexit and the Future Politics of Immigration and Ethnic Diversity
MARIA SOBOLEWSKA and ROB FORD
15. The Divergent Dynamics of Cities and Towns: Geographical Polarisation and Brexit
WILL JENNINGS and GERRY STOKER
16. Brexit and the Nations
17. The Realignment of British Politics in the Wake of Brexit
18. Brexit and the Future of UK Capitalism
Sunday, 3 February 2019
American Progressivism and the Obama Presidency’ (read it here) (PQ 81:4) and was typical of his writing which always embodied the qualities PQ exists to promote – engaged, direct, authoritative, and written in plain English. Norman was a public intellectual of a rare kind. Born in Manhattan to a Jewish family (his grandfather was an immigrant from Eastern Europe and his father a school teacher) he was raised in the Bronx, graduated at Harvard and taught at many Universities across the Atlantic, including LSE, Oxford, the New School and Amherst College, and for twenty years at Georgetown University. He remained on the political Left his whole life, unlike many of his contemporaries, and was noted for the range of his contacts with intellectuals and politicians across the political spectrum. They included Willy Brandt, Edward Kennedy, Isaiah Berlin, Iris Murdoch, Herbert Marcuse, Irving Kristol and Norman Podhoretz. He was involved with many journals such as Commentary, Dissent and Partisan Review, but he had a particularly long association with The Nation and was a founding member of the editorial board of New Left Review in 1960. His many books include The crisis of industrial society (1969), The radical renewal: the politics of ideas in modern America (1988), After Progress: American social reform and European socialism in the twentieth century (2001), and his absorbing memoir From the Bronx to Oxford and Not Quite Back (2018). Norman won respect from all who knew him for the breadth of his knowledge and understanding, for his civility and wit, and for his strong and unwavering commitment to radical politics and progressive ideals. He once declared ‘I never believed in a social science made by and for academics, a dispassionate account of the world. I do believe that the present is history, but that we are not its prisoners. Only a God can make the world anew, but humans fail in their humanity if they do not try to make it better.’ His life is an example of how to be an engaged public intellectual even through the most difficult political times.
You can read some of his other PQ articles here:
You can read some of his other PQ articles here:
Trump is here to stay (89 4)
After the Debacle (72 2)
An American in Europe and a ‘European’ in America (Review by Donald Sassoon 89 4)
Tuesday, 16 October 2018
Brexit, like all revolutions, imagines a Year Zero, a new history that began in June 2016 with the glorious victory of the Leave campaign in the referendum.
But history cannot be shaken off so easily and, for good and ill, Britain's past is also an Irish past. And in some ways, this history is repeating itself, except with the roles reversed. Where Britain long imagined itself beset by the Irish Question, Ireland know has an English Question. It is as if there is a constant quantum of nationalist angst on these islands so that as it diminishes on one island it rises on the other.
You can hear his lecture here:
Wednesday, 10 October 2018
John Mackintosh (1929-78) served as Joint Editor of Political Quarterly from 1975 to 1978, a Labour MP from 1966 to 1978, and held several academic posts, including latterly a stint as Professor of Politics at Edinburgh University. This unusual career, which spanned the worlds of practical politics and its academic analysis, gave him a unique voice in the political debates of the 1960s and 1970s. Mackintosh was a shrewd analyst of the troubled trajectory of the Labour Party, social democracy, British parliamentary government, and Scottish devolution in that period, penning many authoritative and penetrating articles on these subjects in Political Quarterly and other outlets. This virtual special issue collects together some of Mackintosh's key writings for Political Quarterly to coincide with the John Mackintosh Memorial Discussion being held in the House of Commons on 18 October. You can read the articles here.
Friday, 6 July 2018
|Photo by Kevin Lake|
Thursday, 10 May 2018
|Timothy Garton Ash|
For at least two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, some version of liberalism was ideologically hegemonic in most democracies and largely set the agenda of globalisation. As we now face a global wave of anti-liberal populism and authoritarianism we are bound to ask how far – and in what ways – that liberalism contributed to this dramatic reversal. Many analysts have pointed to the growing inequality and shattering financial crisis, attributing them to the simultaneous financialisation and globalisation of capitalism, and to policies often characterised as 'neoliberalism'. But should other, and perhaps deeper, features of contemporary liberalism share some of the blame?
Having made the right analysis, what lessons should liberals (with a small l, including liberal centre-right and centre-left) learn? Do liberals have any good answers to populism at home and authoritarianism abroad? How can we fight back?
Listen to the podcast of the lecture here: